Guerrilla M19′s commander Carlos Pizarro demobilized and was killed a few years after

Colombia will negotiate peace with its biggest guerrilla group FARC, and perhaps with the smaller ELN as well. It’s the most important news in years and it’s quite a big change compared to ex-president Álvaro Uribe’s policy of continuous attacking the guerrilla and trying to beat it the armed way. Many Colombians are glad because what they most want is peace, but others think it’s very inconvenient to negotiate with armed groups that are considered terrorists. The governments most fierce opponent is in fact ex-president Uribe. 

Nobody can deny the FARC suffered a very serious setback in their reputation from the nineties onwards, when they started to kidnap and extort the population after the support from the former communist countries in Europe and from Cuba stopped and when also the killings increased. When they also started to actively traffic cocaine, many people were convinced they were mere criminals and had lost every ideological orientation. And the Uribe government has done everything to strengthen this image.

Of course the FARC themselves are also to blame for their bad image. They didn’t show a genuine interest to stop war during the last peace talks (Caguan, 1999-2002) and the talks were interrupted when they kidnapped a plane. These last years they have increasedly turned to dirty war methods. They laid landmines and recruted child soldiers and kidnapped and killed at large scale.

But at the same time one cannot say that their fight for a juster Colombian society doesn’t make sense. Colombia is one of the most inequal countries in the world. Also in the nineties, Colombia had another big problem: the rise of the right wing paramilitaries that cooperated with the army. These two started their own dirty war against the guerrilla and against the political left. Many demobilized guerrillafighters in that period were killed. And the political party that was related to the guerrilla, the Patriotic Union, was practically extinguished. A couple of thousands of unionists were killed. That was not exactly an invitation for the FARC to stop violence.

After the Caguan peace talks  were interrupted because of the kidnapping of the airplane, people were fed up with the FARC and massively voted for Uribe, who promised to finish with them. He had quite a lot of success, in many areas the guerilla was weakened or even disappeared, but from 2008 onwards, reports started to be published that the war strategy of the government was losing force. The FARC understood that they weren’t able anymore to confront the army in combat and they changed their tactics to smaller terrorist assaults. It worked. The guerrilla can never win the war, but can never be beaten completely either.

President Juan Manuel Santos, successful Defense Minister in the Uribe government, and hawk like him, understood that. He decided that he should change policy, as had done his predecessor, but then the other way around. Without stopping however to fight the FARC. He also understood that he should end the cause of all the violence that has perturbed Colombia as long as it exists and that is inequality. Exactly at this point the government and the guerrillas can come to an agreement at a political level, without having to make Colombia a communist state as the FARC have always wanted. A socially just state is enough.

Many fear that the negotiations will fail, as the Caguan talks did. But here the Uribe era makes the difference. The FARC are a lot weaker now than in 1999. So instead of increasing his opposition and his furious tweets against the government, he should be a satisfied man because he helped the country progress and advance in the chance to really reach peace.

Kony is leader of the LRA, the Lord’s Resistance Army. That means that it has a commanding structure. That means that this army will not just stop existing at the day Kony is caught. Others will take over, the children will go on suffering, and the population in the area where Kony is caught will feel the consequences: revenge. That’s how it always is.

My problem with the campaign is that it implicitly suggests that with Kony’s capture the problems are over. No they are not. Unicef USA said in a reaction to the campaign that there are probably 250,000 childsoldiers in more than 20 countries in the world. There are quite a lot of Konies and we got to stop them all. That’s not easy, it takes time to find out where these warlords are. The population usually is very scared to talk, because the risk is  that people are killed for being ‘traitors to the warlord’s cause’.

Children become childsoldiers because they are kidnapped or because they join an army or a guerrilla group because they think they will get a better treatment there than at home. Of course they find out that is not true, but then they cannot escape anymore. If you run away and they get you, you’ll be killed. That’s usually the rule.

It’s the government’s and justice’s task to find and trial these warlords who abuse children in their armies, and it’s also the goverment’s task to take care of all its citizens, also those in the most far away and abandoned regions. It’s in these regions that people are vulnerable to violent groups.

If Kony gets caught, other Konies will rise, so that’s why a further reaching solution is necessary. But the Kony2012 is a good start, so that’s why I don’t want to criticize it too much. Well… no, it isn’t a start. Unicef, Save the children, Warchild and many many local organisations in countries where childsoldiers exist are doing a lot to help former childsoldiers and to help children and their parents, in order to prevent their recruitment. So I suggest that you have a look what is a bigger help to these vulnerable people before you spend your energy and/or money. And at the same time I do hope that Kony gets caught and I do hope they will take care of his army too, the ones who give the orders and their victims in the army: the children. Of course it’s two kinds of care that should be taken: justice and really good care.

You know what, they are late, Invisible Children. Some of the commanders in Kony’s army must have been recruited as children themselves. This has been going on for such a long time already. See how complicated it is?

Om die reden zet Botero zijn geloofwaardigheid op het spel. Het is waarschijnlijk niet toevallig dat hij Nijmeijer na de dood van haar baas Mono Jojoy en de FARC’s hoogste commandant Alfonso Cano heeft gesproken. Als je terugkomt met beelden van een babbelende Tanja die geen enkele kritische vraag krijgt, wek je de indruk een boodschapper van de FARC te zijn. Nu worden we hier in Colombia zo doodgegooid met de ronkende propaganda van de regering en het leger die maar blijven hameren dat de FARC een stelletje terroristen zijn en verder niks, dat het geen kwaad kan om ook de andere kant te laten zien. Maar om dat dan te presenteren als een interview met Tanja Nijmeijer? Nee.

Nijmeijer figureerde in Botero’s video als woordvoerder van de FARC die uitlegde hoe zij en het merendeel van haar kameraden het bombardement hebben overleefd en dat de dood van Jojoy en Cano geen ernstige gevolgen zal hebben. Punt. Dat hadden ze ook in een persverklaring op hun website kunnen zetten, met de video van Botero als ondersteunend materiaal. Botero ging erheen omdat hij weet dat hij zijn beelden voor een mals prijsje in Nederland kan verkopen. Waarschijnlijk  laat hij Tanja daarom zelfs al in het Nederlands babbelen. Net zo makkelijk. Maar het is geen journalistiek.

Het eerste interview verkocht hij aan de Wereldomroep, het tweede aan de NOS, voor het derde is RTL aan de beurt? Ik gok dat het derde wordt gehouden na de dood van de nieuwe baas, Timochenko. Of misschien is Botero alweer onderweg omdat de FARC een nog groter imagoprobleem dan anders hebben: ze hebben inmiddels ook vier gijzelaars die al meer dan twaalf jaar in de jungle zaten weg te rotten doodgeschoten, omdat het leger ze wilde komen redden.

Die beelden zijn maar voor een paar mensen echt belangrijk: de Nijmeijers in Denekamp. Voor de rest is het volledig niet interessant, nee, ik lieg, ik heb gefascineerd toegekeken hoe Nijmeijer zich met een blok hout op haar schouder staande hield in een kolkende rivier. Petje af. Maar dat hadden ze dus ook op de FARC-website kunnen zetten.

RTL, stuur Botero goed geïnstrueerd op pad en laat hem dat interview in het Spaans doen.

It seems to have been four punches. Witnesses told that to the media. Wrong of course, terrible, that a guy hits a woman, or that somebody hits someone, at all. For me the most painful thing is that we don’t know anything about the woman. The guy is Hernán Darío Gómez, nickname Bolillo, national soccer trainer in Colombia – he resigned because of what happened. The silly senator is Liliana Rendón. She prefers to stand by the machistas instead of fighting them. Seems she thinks there’s more to win like that. Dream on, lady.

Now back to the woman. We don’t know who she is. She’s silent and she probably doesn’t want anybody to know that all this happened to her. The meeting with the famous soccer guy must have been ‘illegal’. In other words, she probably is his old time lover or his one night stand. The media called it ‘party friend’. So a guy punches you and instead of screaming out your anger and indignation, you shut up. To not make things worse. To protect his reputation.

That’s what saddens me most of this whole matter. She may have provoked him by offending him, as witnesses seem to have said. They apparently both had drunk quite a lot. He may however not hit her, never. It’s wrong. But he did it. And now she has to keep silence.

Oh and another thing, the guy, realizing he did an unforgivable thing and trying to save his image, wrote a public letter. He apologized, to the country, to all the women, to his wife and to his mother. He didn’t mention her however, the anonymous woman whom he punched. She didn’t matter. Even if he didn’t want to mention her name, he could have said, he should have said: ‘I ask my dear friend, whom I hit, to forgive me. I swear I’ll never do it again and I swear I’ll never hit any woman again.’

I hope she, the punched woman, told him she never wants to see him again, I so hope that. I don’t even care if she goes to the police to denounce. She should just stay away from that guy, who hit her and humiliated her afterwards by ignoring her in public.

UPDATE: A neigbour in Barranquilla said something like the silly senator: if a guy hits you, you asked for it. I told her I don’t agree and that it’s never justified that a man hits a woman. Then she said something interesting: “My mother told me ‘If your husband hits you, then hit him back, because otherwise he will do it again’.” Indeed she was hit once by her husband. She took her shoe with high heel off and hit him hard on the leg. Then she took him to the hospital. He never hit her again.

My friend María Victoria Ramírez wrote a column about the Bolillo case for Pereira‘s daily La Tarde. Here it is: Una lechuza importa más que una mujer

I’ll start with something that was like a remarkable nostalgia for me. The last time I visited Venezuela, 23 years ago, which was also the first time, I was surprised by the huge American cars you see in its streets. They are still there, 23 years older and beautiful in their heroic decay. They are big, so they are perfect ‘carritos’, that is how they call the shared taxis in the country. They consume a lot of gasoline, but since that is still very cheap in Venezuela – cheaper than water – that is not a problem.

23 years ago Venezuela was the first country I visited on my first trip to Latin America. I didn’t know what to expect and was a little nervous. I didn’t like the people. I thought they were arrogant and hated it that they drank and ate from plastic cups and plates. Now after having lived 8,5 years in its western neighbour Colombia, I liked them a lot better. They are not as friendly as Colombians, but they have this not badly intended boldness that Spaniards have as well. Coño (cunt) is a very frequently used word, as in Spain.

One of the biggest issues is the insecurity of the country. Chavistas and anti-chavistas complain about that.  And there I had a problem as I had to bring cash money. The official, government fixed rate, is about 2,5 bolívares fuertes for one US dollar. The black market rate is at least 8 bolívares fuertes for one US dollar. A friend of a friend in my Colombian residence town Barranquilla had convinced I would stay at the Club Gallego (Galician Club), in Maracaibo, my first stop. The club members play tennis, swim and dance Galician folk dances at their club have only one issue to talk: insecurity. They told me the only places I could go were shopping malls. Not true. At my second stop, Barquisimeto, I decided to travel my own way and walk the streets – although not at night –  and I was fine.

The disadvantage if you are travelling as a tourist is that you cannot go as easily to places that are considered dangerous. You need contacts who introduce you. But I found them, during my last ride, back from Maracaibo to Maicao, in Colombia’s Guajira. I was in a carrito full of chavistas, at last, because I had only met people who are against ‘el comandante. I understand their reasons, but of course I want to hear the other side of the story. Chávez offers jobs, he made health care and education free, is their main argument. One of them was a Colombian woman from one of the most violent regions of Colombia, who had arrived in Venezuela as an illegal immigrant but who now had a ‘passer’s by’-card. She was intensely happy with it. She was travelling to Maicao to pick up her 3 years old boy and take him to Caracas. She was so excited.

Unfortunately I couldn’t stay the time I had intended to stay, because Dutch press agency ANP needed news from Peru and Argentina and not from Venezuela. I spent a whole day in an internet place in Caracas to look for information on the Argentinian case. WiFi is of poor quality, even in the more expensive hotels (at least that was my experience).

But I will go back. The first news that we are waiting for is: what’s happening to Chávez? He is still in Cuba and is said to be very ill. Silence, deep silence, from the island of the Revolution. As happened when Fidel Castro was ill a few years ago.

Escribo este blogpost preocupada, porque llueve en Barranquilla. Eso significa que las citas se cancelan sin anunciar. Lógico, porque la ciudad se vuelve intransitable por los arroyos. Estoy preocupada porque estoy esperando un técnico de Telmex, el tercero en dos semanas, para solucionarme un problema con el internet y el teléfono. El problema es que la señal viene y se va. Nunca sé cuando sirve el internet. Cuando viene, trago de las bits y bytes de la señal como si estuviera sin agua en un desierto. Hay que aprovechar.

Usted me preguntará: ¿Pórque no se va de Telmex? Óbvio, buena pregunta. Pero estas empresas son muy pilas. Te capturan. Te ofrecen un servicio en el cual te tienes que quedar por lo menos un año. Si te vas antes, te toca una multa. En mi caso: 70.000 pesos colombianos (un poco menos de 40 dólares) al mes. No es un montón pero demasiado para botar todos los meses, hasta octubre, cuando cumplo un año.

En el edificio no soy la única que sufre del problema. Debe ser algun cable, alguna cajita en la calle. No lo han encontrado. ¿Porque no? Porque es difícil encontrarlo o porque no están realmente interesados en solucionarlo. No sé.

Mis vecinos están tan desesperados como yo. Me decían que no se pueden salir por lo del año. Yo pensaba que sí podía salir, porque ya llevaba unos años como cliente de Telmex, por la señal de televisión. No mijita, error. Usted agregó en octubre del 2010 los servicios de internet y teléfono, así que el tiempo empezó a correr de nuevo. Avispados los de Telmex, ¿sí o no?

Y aquí estoy ya dos semanas con un mal servicio. Una periodista, que trabajo online casi todo el día para buscar información, para mandar correos electrónicos, para twittear. Es como si hubiera perdido una pierna.

Esto no puede seguir así. Obviamente estoy llamando, escribí una carta, presionando para que haya solución. Pero se me ocurrió de hacer algo más. Como periodista tengo el poder de la palabra. Publico este blogpost sobre la piedra que me está sacando Telmex. Sobre lo insólito que está pasando aquí en nuestro edificio, donde solamente una cliente se ha podido ir porque lleva más de un año.

Tienen que tomarnos en serio, señores de Telmex, somos clientes, merecemos un buen servicio, porque pagamos por eso.

Les pido de ayudarme en difundir este blogpost, por Twitter, por correo, como puedan, para que le duela a Telmex, porque a ninguna empresa le gusta la mala publicidad, y para que por fin me ayuden.

El técnico que estoy esperando fue anunciado como un buen técnico, como diciendo que el resto que mandaron no sirvió. Qué falta de seriedad, ¿ah?

Señor Carlos Slim, usted el hombre más rico del mundo, ¿está seguro que tiene su Telmex Colombia bien organizado? Revíselo. Unos cuantos millones de dólares más no le deben doler a usted.

UPDATE: la visita del técnico de Telmex fue anunciado entre las 9 y 11 am. A las 12.15 no había llegado. Llamé. Me dijeron que no iba a venir por las lluvias y que había que cuadrar una nueva visita. ¿Qué habrían hecho si yo no hubiera llamado? Nada.

It’s quite easy to laugh out loud when Tanja says she’s going to conquer Bogotá, but it’s much more interesting to take it seriously. I write this post because of what she said about Bogotá and because of an excellent feature made by Karl Penhaul and Carlos Villalón, which shows that the FARC’s situation is difficult, but not as difficult as they want us to believe. By the way, I’m convinced the FARC lie as much as the army.  That’s part of war management. Of course it would be wonderful if Tanja reacted, within the possibilities she has, naturally. I will not ask about why she joined the FARC anymore. Jorge Enrique Botero did that extensively.

1. When do you think to enter Bogotá victoriously? Is that within months or years? How do you see your own future after that? Will you be a minister or will you go to another country like Che Guevara? I think you are more like Che Guevara, but of course it’s better to hear your answer.

2. Is Cuba an example of how you would arrange it? Or would you do it differently? Do you discuss it over there? How would you do it yourself?

3. How many meals do you have in a day? One, two or three? What do you eat? And something I always think of when I hear about FARC and food: do you eat meat there?

4. How often do you have to pack and flee because the army is on your heals? Does that happen several times a week or several times a month?

5. How often do you attack the army yourselves? Is that several times a week or several times a month?

6. How many times do you perform assaults? Several times a week, a month, a year?

7. Do you have contact with your highest commander Alfonso Cano? And if so, how and how often? Do you have contact with other FARC units?

8. How many mines have you laid as long as you are with the FARC? Tens or hundreds or none? What do you think of this weapon on which everybody can step including you?

9. Do you have shortages of arms and ammunition? What do you do if it’s finished? How long does it take before the merchandise arrives?

10. Where do you get most of you income from? Drugs trafficking? Revolution taxes to the people? Kidnappings? or also other things? Do you have enough income?

11. Are there children younger than 16 among you and if so, what do you think of that?

12. How big is your influence at universities? Are they important spots to recruit?

13. How many Colombians support you? Is it a couple thousands or millions?

14. How many foreigners joined the FARC? And how many foreigners are among them?

15. Do you have contacts abroad? To promote the FARC for example?

16. My impression is that since they found your diary in 2007 you made progress in the FARC. Is that right? Is there a difference between what you did before and what you do now?

17. The diary gave me the impression that you were very lonely. Is that true? How do you feel now? Are there many university educated fighters in the FARC? The eighth part? A quarter, half?

Enough for now. Maybe I think of more. I will add them and I invite everybody who has questions to put them in the comments. No insults, only questions about this subject. I’ll throw away the rest. Of course it’s possible Tanja never answers. But then we did the exercise to think and to imagine how it is to be in the guerrilla. Then I am prepared in case I meet her in the jungle, in jail or on the street.

Colombia is a society based on distrust. That means for example when you want to rent an appartment you have to show a lot of papers in order to convince them you are a reliable renter. It also means you cannot transfer money from your bank account through internet to anybody you want, noooooh. You have to inscribe the person and they have to agree. So what do you do? You inscribe the person, you leave your personal data so they can check and wait. That’s what I did with my bank Davivienda.

At the same time my Wifi and my home phone weren’t working yesterday almost all day. A technician of my provider Telmex was announced to come between 7 and 8.30 today. Suddenly, while waiting the technician I saw that WiFi worked!

I looked on the internet and to my big surprise I saw my request to inscribe my dear friend was rejected. WHY? I called the bank.

‘They called you at 9.11 am and 11.15 am and didn’t find you at home.’

‘That happened because my home phone wasn’t working because the service failed. But in the inscription request I gave my mobile number. Why didn’t you call that?’

‘Because it isn’t in our general data. Any impostor who enters your internet-account and claims to be you could put his cell phone number there.’

‘But I’m calling you now to tell you what my mobile number is.’

‘But you have to go to one of our offices to registrate that, because you could be an imposter.’

(me thinking): but when you call me, you check to know if I am I and then you will find out, thanks to your intelligent questions!). I say:

‘But can’t you check me now, to know if I am I and know if it’s alright.’

‘No, that is another department.’

I feel desperate. I start complaining on how their measures to hinder cheaters affects us clients. Of course that doesn’t impress him. I hang the phone and sigh and start to write this blogpost, when after 4 or 5 words WiFi stops again. Now I’m waiting with my cell phone as a modem for my laptop’s internet for a Telmex technician to arrive. He was promised to be here between 7 and 8.30 am and it’s 1.03 pm. Nothing.

I hold Telmex and Davivienda responsible for the angry impotence I have been feeling for 2 days now.

My dear friends: show up at the time you promise (Telmex) and treat your clients as clients and not as presumed criminals (Davivienda).

UPDATE It’s 3 days later now and the Davivienda issue hasn’t been solved yet. On the contrary: a second intent to inscribe my friend’s bankaccount failed for the same reason. And I had warned the bank that my home phone was working badly. They would take it into account… Nope.

A friend of mine told me he had the same problem with Davivienda. Every month he transfers money from his bank to his parents’ account at Bancolombia, another Colombian bank. He retires the money from a Davivienda cash dispenser and enters Bancolombia with that cash money to put it on his parents’ account. Because the rules to do it through internet are so crazy you practically can’t do it, he says.

And Telmex: they already answer my phone calls saying: ‘Is it you, ms. Ubags?’ I have been calling 3 or 4 times a day to chase them up to solve that WiFi and phone problem. It’s Sunday and it seems today at last the problem has been solved. I’d threatened them to cancel the service tomorrow if it doesn’t work then. And I’ll do it.

Latest news: Telmex and my mobile phone company Comcel are going to fuse, says the paper edition of weekly Semana. What will that mean for me? I’m in the hands of the world’s richest man, the Mexican Carlos Slim, owner of Telmex and Comcel. He’s going to fuse with himself. Might be not at all OK.

Het zou natuurlijk prachtig zijn als Tanja reageerde, binnen de mogelijkheden die ze heeft uiteraard. Ik ga niet meer in op de vraag waarom ze bij de FARC zit, want daar is Jorge Enrique Botero al uitgebreid op ingegaan.

1. Wanneer denken jullie zegevierend Bogotá binnen te trekken? Is dat een kwestie van maanden of van jaren? Hoe zie je je eigen toekomst na die intocht? Minister of naar een ander land voor een andere revolutie, zoals Che Guevara? Om eerlijk te zijn, ik zie je als een Che Guevara, maar ik heb liever dat jij zegt hoe het zit.

2. Is Cuba een voorbeeld voor jullie over hoe jullie het zouden aanpakken? Of zouden jullie het anders doen? Hebben jullie het daarover? Hoe zou je het zelf willen?

3. Hoe vaak eten jullie gemiddeld per dag, één keer, twee keer, of drie keer? Wat eten jullie? En even een detail waar ik steeds aan moet denken als het over jou en eten in de FARC gaat: eet je vlees?

4. Hoe vaak moeten jullie inpakken en wegwezen omdat het leger jullie op de hielen zit? Is dat meerdere keren per week of meerdere keren per maand?

5. Hoe vaak vallen jullie het leger zelf aan? Is dat meerdere keren per week of meerdere keren per maand?

6. Hoe vaak voeren jullie aanslagen uit? Meerdere keren per week, of per maand, of per jaar?

7. Hebben jullie contact met jullie hoogste baas Alfonso Cano en zo ja, hoe en hoe vaak? Hebben jullie contact met andere eenheden van de FARC?

8. Hoeveel mijnen heb je gelegd zo lang je bij de FARC zit? Loopt dat in de tientallen of in de honderden? Of geeneen? Wat vind je van dit wapen waar iedereen op kan trappen, ook jullie zelf?

9. Hebben jullie tekorten aan wapens en munitie? Wat doen jullie als het ‘op’ is? Hoe lang duurt het tot een bestelling er is?

10. Waar halen jullie de meeste inkomsten uit? Drugshandel, revolutiebelasting aan de bevolking, ontvoering of (ook) andere dingen? Hebben jullie genoeg geld?

11. Zitten er kinderen jonger dan 16 bij de FARC en zo ja, wat vind je daarvan?

12. Hoe groot is jullie invloed op de universiteiten? Zijn dat belangrijke plekken om te recruteren?

13. Hoeveel Colombianen steunen volgens jullie de FARC? Loopt dat in de duizenden of in de miljoenen?

14. Hoeveel buitenlanders zitten er in de FARC denk je? Hoeveel daarvan komen uit rijke landen zoals jij?

15. Heb jij contact met het buitenland? Om de FARC te promoten bijvoorbeeld?

16. Volgens mij ben je er sinds de vondst van je dagboek in 2007 op vooruit gegaan in de FARC. Ben je gepromoveerd? Is er een verschil tussen wat je toen deed en wat je nu doet?

17. Ik had de indruk uit het dagboek dat je heel eenzaam was. Klopt dat? Hoe is dat nu? Hoeveel goed opgeleide mensen als jij zitten er in de FARC, denk je? Een achtste, een kwart, de helft?

Dat is het voor nu. Ik bedenk er misschien nog wel meer. Als dat zo is, vul ik de lijst aan. Ook nodig ik iedereen die vragen heeft uit om ze te stellen in de ruimte voor het commentaar. Maar let op, alleen serieuze vragen en vragen die te maken hebben met Tanja en de FARC. De rest gooi ik weg.

Deze blogpost vertaal ik ook in het Engels en Spaans, omdat ik denk dat hij voor veel mensen interessant kan zijn. Maar omdat Tanja Nijmeijer Nederlandse is en de interesse voor haar in Nederland het grootst is, begin ik in het Nederlands. Het kan natuurlijk dat ze nooit reageert, maar dan hebben we de exercitie gedaan om erover na te denken, om ons voor te stellen wat dat nu betekent, om bij de guerrilla te zitten. En dan ben ik voorbereid als ik op een dag tegenover haar sta. In de jungle of in een Colombiaanse gevangenis of op straat.

Trouwens mijn collega Arnold Karskens laat weten dat hij graag met me mee de jungle ingaat en Tanja als ‘meest onafhankelijke oorlogsverslaggever van Nederland’ graag wil interviewen. Dat wordt wel een beetje kritischer dan Jorge Enrique Botero, maar daar kan Tanja volgens mij wel tegen. Staat hem goed trouwens, dat puin in Tripoli op zijn website.